MANU CHAO AND CRITICISM OF ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 191, Ocak 2009

Songs are emotional and can affect people's feelings. That may be the reason for music's political impact on the world. Songs can have an agenda-setting function or can create solidarity among people who have similar world views. All songs have a message that is transferred between the composer and the listener. The composer points out problems and convinces the listener that something is wrong and needs to be changed. However, it is not only the content of the songs that deliver a message and affects listeners, but it is the singer's persona, character, force of personality and his or her political engagement that plays a crucial role. Manu Chao, a singer, is to be evaluated not only on the basis of his song's lyrics, but also on his attitude as a musician, celebrity, and private person.This paper tries to answer the following questions: How can Manu Chao be interpreted in political terms? Is he really a political singer? If yes, in what terms? Is he against the economic globalization or does he use the advantages of economic globalization in order to increase the sales of his albums, as some people argue? In contrast to some authors, who claim that Manu Chao manipulates the discourse against the globalization, this paper looks at Manu Chao as a political left-wing singer because he strongly criticizes neoliberal policies and the effects of these policies on Third World countries.

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SİYASET SÖYLEMLERİNDE KULLANILAN SATRANÇ METAFORLARI ÜZERİNE

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 233, Ocak 2011

Satrancın doğasında rastlantılara yer yoktur, satranç oyuncusu duygusallığı bir kenara bırakarak rasyonel düşünceyi ve yaratıcılığını ön plana çıkarmak durumundadır çoğu zaman. Alkan’ın Radikal gazetesindeki köşesinde Erdoğan hakkında yazdıkları ve satranç/tavla karşılaştırması rasyonellik/duygusallık-rastlantı ikileminden yola çıkıyor örneğin. Alkan’a göre, Erdoğan, diplomatlardan şu ana kadarki diplomasi tarzlarını gözden geçirmelerini talep ediyor: “Erdoğan’ı kızdıran başka zihinsel alışkanlıkları da var monşerlerin. Örneğin, monşerler, dış politikada duygusallığın felaket getireceğinden korkarlar. Monşerlere göre, dış politika satranç gibi oynanmalıdır, tavla gibi değil.”

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ILISU-STAUDAMMPROJEKT: NEGATIVE AUSWIRKUNGEN UND ROLLE DER NGOs

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 193, Şubat 2009

[…] mach­ten die Regierungen der Türkei 153 Auflagen in den Bereichen Umweltschutz, Kulturgüterschutz und Umsiedelung. Ein Team von Experten reiste letz­tes Jahr zweimal vor Ort, um die Einhaltung der Auflagen zu überprüfen – und kam beide Male zu einem verheerenden Ergebnis: Bei der geplanten Umsiedelung verstiess die Türkei gegen fast alle Auflagen. Vor allem die Tatsache, dass die türkischen Behör­den auf die Expertenberichte kaum rea­gierten, hat bei den europäischen Partnern grosse Verstimmung ausgelöst (Strittmatter, Cavelty 2008) In dieser Arbeit wird ein umstrittenes Thema behandelt: das Ilisu-Staudammprojekt im Südosten der Türkei. Es bildet einen Teil des Südostanatolienprojekts (GAP), welches von der türkischen Regierung schon am Anfang des 70er Jahre lanciert wurde, um die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und soziale Stabilität des Südostens der Türkei zu garantieren und somit Entwicklungsdifferenzen zwischen den Regierungen auszugleichen (Türkische Regierung). Das Ilisu-Staudammprojekt ist wegen des ökologischen, kulturellen und sozialen Schadens, den der Bau des Staudamms verursachen wird, ein sehr umstrittenes Projekt.

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DIE ZUSAMMENWIRKUNG DES WAHL- UND PARTEIENSYSTEMS IN DER TÜRKEI

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 167, Mart 2008

Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern Wahlsysteme einen Einfluss auf das Parteiensystem im Türkischen Politischen System haben. Kann das Wahlsystem als entscheidender Faktor und das Parteiensystem als abhängige Variable betrachtet werden? Diese Arbeit verteidigt die These, dass das Wahlsystem nicht prima causa sei. In Anlehnung an Nohlen (2004) wird in dieser Arbeit verteidigt,dass die Auswirkungen von Wahlsystemen kontextabhängig sind. Laut Nohlen sind Kontextvariablen ? ... im Gegensatz zu den hauptsächlich untersuchten Variablen, die als unabhängige und abhängige gekennzeichnet werden, nicht durch den Forscher gesetzt, sondern entsprechen Faktoren, die im Umfeld der untersuchten Variablen lagern und deren Verhalten mehr oder weniger beeinflussen" (Nohlen 2004: 407). Ferner ist der Raum für die Beziehung zwischen dem Wahlsystem und Parteiensystem eine machtpolitische Arena, in welcher die Eliten ihre Interessen folgen. Wenn man die empirischen Fälle der politischen Geschichte der Türkei analysiert, kommt man zum Ergebnis, dass das Wahlsystem nach Interessen und Zielen der militärischen und politischen Eliten verändert wurde. Das nahe liegende Beispiel der direkten Wirkung der Parteien auf das Wahlsystem ist das Referendum, welches am 21. Oktober 2007 stattgefunden hat.

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INTELLECTUAL BACKGROUND OF NATIONALISM

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 149, Temmuz 2007

PART 1: INTRODUCTION...Ludwig Wittgenstein: Whenever one speaks about a topic in social sciences, one is bound with language. That means in approaching a problem or in evaluating a concept, different usages and correspondent meanings should be taken carefully into consideration, in order not go away from reality. The meaning (Sinn) and the projection (Bedeutung) of a concept in Wittgenstein’s philosophy are distinguished and a true sentence of concepts is constructed when a one to one correspondence between the two are existent. (Wittgenstein,1922). It is widely accepted by social science scholars, that if a concept in social science shows many different things in outside world than the meaning of it is somewhat blurred and it looses its significance.Eric Hobsbawm uses a similar approach in evaluating the concept of nationality. “… but the word ‘nation’ is today used so widely and imprecisely that the use of the vocabulary of nationalism today may mean very little indeed. Nevertheless, in approaching ‘the national question’ it is more profitable to begin with the concept of the ‘nation’( i.e. with ‘nationalism’) than with the reality it represents”. For ‘the nation’ as conceived by nationalism, can be recognised prospectively; the real ‘nation’ can only be recognised a posteriori.’ (Hobsbawm, 1990:23)

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CONTINUITY IN GERMAN POLITICS

_ Can Büyükbay Sayı 131, Mart 2007

The Federal Republic of Germany is a country in which major policy changes have been rare or untypical. It is a long process that policy changes can be planned and implemented. The main reason is the institutional restrictions in Germany’s polity. There are structural constraints on the majority in the legislature and the executive mainly as a reaction to the Weimar Republic. Also, a large number of collective actors and institutions participate in the political process and in policy making in Germany. Among these, the federation (Bund) with the federal government and the political parties on the top, the sixteen semi-autonomous states (Länder), the Bundesrat , the council of representatives of the sixteen state governments, a wide variety of cooperative institutions between the federation and the states, such as planning committees for the joint tasks of the federal government and the state executives, and numerous horizontal networks between the states deserve to be named first.

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